The Phenomenology of the Breasted Self

The Phenomenology of the Breasted Self

In Merleau-Ponty’s phenomenology, the chest is the centre of our being-in-the-world.[i] The philosopher Iris Marion Young agrees: ‘the chest is importantly the center of a person’s being,’ albeit with a sensibility particular to the nature of breasts  atop these chests.[ii]Women’s chests have breasts: ‘the primary things…this reification of breasts is at the heart of the reification of women.’[iii] Without conscious effort, when one wants to indicate to others who one is, one generally points to oneself at the level of the chest to signify I, not to the head or brain, the ‘seat of consciousness, identity.’[iv] For women, this simple identifying movement is laden with signification.[v]

Breasts, a primary signifier of female bodies, are everywhere. These lumps of variable, vulnerable, multi-functional tissue affect physical movement and subjective and psychic identity. They form the landscape of the everyday, as objects of fascination, desire and even disgust. And yet women’s own accounts of breasts, or the lived experienced of having breasts, as opposed to being a breasted entity generally, do not extend beyond the discourses of medicine and pathology.[vi]

The slit aesthetic’ is a term used by Young (1990) to refer to clothing that is cut and arranged to reveal the erogenous zones of the female body. The slit aesthetic is a sublimated attempt at titillation, a contrast to sexualised images of the female breast that assault the eyes in places where one would not necessarily expect to see them, such as on public transport, offering little in our understanding of what it means to exist within the public body as a breasted individual. The acceptability (in Western countries) of showing cleavage, but never the nipple (considered obscene and classed as a misdemeanour in some countries), indicates the breast to be an active, independent zone of ‘sensitivity and eroticism,’ mediated by ‘patriarchal taboos,’[vii] or instances when the fetishism that permeates the breast ebbs, making it just another signifier of feminine functions, such as breastfeeding.

The ideal breast shape –coaxed by restrictive garments or surgery – is round, full and perky. Aged or lactating breasts hold no interest in Western visual culture, which has laid a claim on the female form by suggesting – from the sculptures of classical antiquity, after the fourth century BCE to the tabloid breasted body – that a woman’s body is an ideal of beauty.[viii] Mary Beard argues that the preponderance of breasts in visual culture is not  incidental. Yalom adds that the breast’s evolution into a symbol of excess and lechery in society has to do with politics and economics, noting that in Asian and South Pacific cultures where the breast has not been sexualised, the bared breast is viewed indifferently.[ix]

Sarah Lucas, Mumum (2012)

Popular expressions that are used to refer to women, such as bitch or ‘tits and ass,’[x] become, involuntarily, central to a sense of self in many capacities: through anxiety, mortification, and in some cases, pride. Breasts are fluid matter: ‘in movement they sway, jiggle, bounce, ripple …’[xi] They are like ectoplasms. Without a supporting garment they would shift and shape in tandem with the body’s movements. In this sense they are not inert matter, and in the social and cultural sense they take up a persona that defies the Cartesian worldview,[xii] a persona characterised by Young as ‘breasted individuals.’[xiii] Breasted is a term usually reserved for describing a jacket, or for identifying birds. Unlike that other sexual marker, the vagina, breasts are easily co-opted and appropriated. Menstruation is a deeply personal and hidden aspect of the feminine lived body,[xiv] so breasts are truly the only visible sign of a girl’s trajectory into womanhood: they are objects of shame, inquiry, exploration and exploitation.[xv] British artist Sarah Lucas’ notion of ‘perviness’, however, celebrates, albeit awkwardly and impishly, the pleasure of the breast through visual and tactile examination in ways that offset the indignity of being qualified as a walking pair of breasts.

Breasts are ‘de trop’ (Sartre’s term),[xvi] the ‘contingency of presence,’ hidden behind clothes and artifices, but never disguised. When these are thrown off, what remains is the ‘pure intuition’ of flesh, what Sartre defines as ‘not only knowledge,’ but the ‘affective apprehension of an absolute contingency[xvii] The ontological contingency of being-in-the-world is reflected in the gap between oneself (or what one thinks one knows) and objects (more a reflection of reality than one is willing to concede). Subjective embodiment is the way humans make sense of the world – it is the channel through which people ‘make space, the object or the instrument exist for us and through which we take them up, as well as to describe the body as the place of this appropriation.’[xviii] However, as Young argues and Lucas demonstrates, when the focus is on the perceived thing (the breast, for instance) and not the relation between the embodied subject and the world, it is easy to miss how this correlation becomes an exchange between, and, for the epistemological subject and the object. Therefore, in phenomenology, ‘bodily organisation’ is governed by affective states, affected, in turn, by the objective world.[xix]

References and Additional Reading

[i] Merleau-Ponty could be described as a philosopher of the body. Whereas Husserl had already addressed embodiment as Leib (intentional living aspects as opposed to the body’s thing-like aspects, or körper), Merleau-Ponty, by drawing out  ‘the un-thought thought’ of Husserl’s work (The Body and the World, p. 27) declared the body as the site of the material and of consciousness. It is the subjective, lived body that is in constant dialogue with the world. Merleau-Ponty calls the lived unity of the mind–body-world system ‘the lived body.’

Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1945),  Phenomenology of Perception (Routledge: London and New York,  2012)

[ii] Young, 1980, 1990. Young uses de Beauvoir’s theory of constraint and Merleau-Ponty’s thoughts on perception to consider the ways in which women are unable to occupy the spaces they inhabit: they see themselves as objects, not subjects. Young notes that a body’s relationship to space and to objects, according to social and cultural norms, dictates the modalities of movement and of being.

Iris Marion Young develops Merleau-Ponty’s phenomenology to focus on embodying and occupying gendered spaces, in ‘Throwing like a Girl: A Phenomenology of Feminine Body Comportment, Motility and Spatiality,’ Human Studies 3:2 (1980), pp. 137-156.

Simone de Beauvoir (1949) The Second Sex (London: Jonathan Cape, 2009),

[iii] Young 1990: 195

Iris Marion Young On Female Body Experience: ‘Throwing Like a Girl’ and Other Essays (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005)

[iv] Young 1990: 189

[v] Prior to Young’s challenge of the phenomenological body – male by default – de Beauvoir (1949) had posed a challenge of her own, conceptualising the embodied subject through the erotic and how the erotic perceiving body is situated in the world.

[vi] There is a dearth of literature on women’s experience with breasts, Young being one exception. On the other hand, there is a lot of material on vaginas. See Emma L. E. Rees, The Vagina: A Literary and Cultural History (London: Bloomsbury, 2013).

[vii] Young, 1990:196

[viii] Mary Beard reflects on the reason for the sudden appearance of female statues after this date, with the Venus Pudica thought to be an early example. The Greek statue of the Aphrodite of Knidos, popularly known as Venus Pudica, is thought to be the earliest, and is typical in its attempt to conceal the genitalia with the artful placing of the model’s hand.

Mary Beard, Confronting the Classics: Traditions, Adventures and Innovations New York and London: Liveright Publishing Corporation, 2013)

The ancient Greek figure of the single-breasted warrior Amazon (from the Greek a (without) mazos (breast)) was, in contrast, deliberately contrived to be threatening. The Amazons were women ‘who had cut off one breast so they could draw a bow. The remaining breast nursed only female children: male infants were discarded.’

Adrienne Mayor, The Amazons: Lives and Legends of Warrior Women across the Ancient World (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2014)

[ix] Marilyn Yalom, A History of the Breast (New York: Ballantine Books,1998), p. 49

[x] American slang for ‘tits and bums,’ itself British slang for woman. Oxford Dictionaries Online.

<https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/tits_and_ass> [ 20 November 2015]

[xi] Young 1990: 195

[xii] See Susan Bordo (1989) quoted in Young (1990) who argues ‘that 20th century advanced capitalist consumer culture has gone beyond the Cartesian mechanical understanding of the body, to a view of the body as plastic, moldable, completely transformable and controllable according to a variety of possibilities.’ (p.91)

Susan Bordo, Unbearable Weight: Feminism, Western Culture, and the Body (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993)

[xiii] Young 1990

[xiv] See Iris Marion Young, ‘Menstrual Meditations,’ in On Female Body Experience, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp. 97-122. Young discusses how female bodies move as a result of the parameters enforced by having breasts.

Young is credited with transforming our understanding of lived phenomenological experiences by grounding this discourse on events and situations specific to female bodies: breasts; pregnancy; menstruation; body positionality and space.

[xv] Young (1990) commented on the absence of women writing about their experiences with breasts (not just the body in general). Writing about breasts tends to focus on medical, health or aesthetic concerns and  breasts are a recurring site for exploring issues around gender, subjectivity, desire and power. But writing about feelings or ideas related to this changing part of the body – on both the physical changes and the function and meaning of breasts – is scarce. One notable exception is a 1979 collection of essays on the body experience of having breasts called Breasts: Women Speak About Their Breasts and Their Lives, edited by Daphna Ayalah and Isaac J. Weinstock (New York: Summit Books).

[xvi] Sartre in Being and Nothingness.

[xvii] Sartre, 1943: 367

[xviii] Merleau-Ponty 1945: 156

[xix] Ibid

Sarah Lucas, Mumum, 2012
not signed or dated
tights, kapok, chair frame
145 x 110 x 90 cm
© Sarah Lucas, courtesy Sadie Coles HQ, London

Fetishism and the use-value of women’s bodies

Fetishism and the use-value of women’s bodies

It has been suggested that the fetishisation of the female body in industrialised nations coincided with the growth in the production of commodities around mid-nineteenth century.[i] A review of fetishisation from a Surrealist perspective supports this assertion.[ii] One could make the case that the commodification of the female body did not begin with the advent of commodity fetishism – a point addressed not only from a Marxist perspective of production, but from Appadurai’s construal of the fetish as arising from people’s motivations for using things[iii] that can be traced back to ancient times and have endured throughout the Enlightenment project of rationalisation.[iv] Pels and Bohme make the clear distinction between commodity fetishism and cultural fetishism.[v]

However, a practical example of how both commodity and cultural fetishism lies in womenswear.  Stockings – or pantyhose –  gained popularity during at a time of shifting attitudes towards women’s dress. During the 1920s, as hemlines for women’s dresses began to creep upwards, hose, though largely inessential, satisfied social ideas of decorum and conveniently concealed the imperfections of the flesh now on show. As the fashion world of the 1920s changed, encouraged by the emergence of the New Woman and a backlash against constrictions upon the female body, the intimate wear business also was transformed. Women cast off corsets, bustles, girdles and petticoats, but wearing stockings meant they still had to contend with garter straps to keep them up, one of the many problems of the irrational nature of women’s wear.

Concealment of the body is motivated by beauty, social respectability and conformity. Panti-Legs, a pair of panties bonded with stockings, were invented in 1959,[vi]  and with the advent of spandex during the 1960s they became a widespread symbol of feminine sex appeal and glamour, and a sign of respectability for ladies concerned about the baring of legs in public, and with reining in the body.  The flimsiness of the material, however, is as thin as the gesture of wearing them.

This  process of ‘world-making’[vii], then, is designed to limit bodies and  proscribe to the performance of repetitive behaviour, their sense of self compromised and given over to normalising mechanisms, grounded in cultural topography. The cultural production of women’s bodies acts as the frame of reference for their representation in mythology, literature, which function as the channels through which ideas circulate.

The body as currency is negated as an actual human body,[viii] marking its differentiation and materiality as a negation of exploitation, in the same way commodity fetishism, under Marx, is negated as an exploitation of labour. At the same time, the exchange-value (the commodity), is affirmed, not only through the perpetuation of forms of discrimination, but also through the qualified aspects of the medium of representation, be it an artistic portrayal of a nude in a museum, or nude of glamour girls in magazines. It is further affirmed by sexual difference and economic asymmetry. A negation of the exploitative nature of the sexual differentiation of bodies, in Marxist terminology, constitutes a negation of the abstract human labour and social power relations inherent in the use-value of the commodity – in this case, the female body.

For Marx, this meant the obliteration of a ‘genesis’ between the sexes, being in fact, the source of unequal relations, an instance of alienation, with ‘man’ becoming like the goods and services he produces. Here, women’s bodies are the goods and services. In certain contexts, the body itself could be described as a commodity fetish, with a concomitant use-value: the body is of use and of interest to others.

The disjuncture between being and utility makes the act of ‘uncovering’[ix]  an important form of analysis, one converging with feminist criticism. In some feminist critiques against androcentrism, this disjuncture is identified as the patriarchy – the monolith of power, unyielding, against all appearances, to legislative and civic reform.

But could it be that this fetish character is in fact produced by the gesture that simultaneously reveals it? Does the emancipated consciousness display traits of the fetishism that it reveals? Is there an uncomfortable link to the object, one which is in fact supposed to be eliminated and surpassed in the analysis? The fetishistic mechanisms that dwell within the very systems that leave themselves open to criticism, cannot be easily stamped out. A fetish, after all, cannot be destroyed. Fetishism, idolatry and the cult of appearance continue unabated. Think back to Bitch, featured in the article Language and Embodiment.  This is the power things have over us.

Why does this matter to feminism? It is not only because Marx, and later Foucault (1975) speak of the use-value of bodies, the universal medium of circulation and the form of appearance through which everything communicates with everything else; it is because they speak to the social relations that drive production and exchange, a necessary feature of the socio-cultural sphere in capitalist societies. Marxist fetishism is the metaphorical formula not for a relationship to things, but to their appearances (as commodities), whereby the fetish is the mechanism that not only manipulates the desires of individuals or groups of people, but that acts as the gauge between:  natural and machinery; godliness and matter; the incontrovertible and the questionable. What the fetish reveals is our deepest ‘anthropological humiliation’ in that the certainty of a ‘precarious’ existence comes through the medium of things, part of a traffic in commodities (bodies), arguably of the greatest insecurities in the histories of civilisations.[x]

References and Additional Reading

[i] Jon Stratton (1996) The Desirable Body: Cultural Fetishism and the Erotics of Consumption (Champaign IL: University of Illinois Press, 2000), p. 87

[ii] Johanna Malt, Obscure Objects of Desire: Surrealism, Fetishism and Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 113-143

[iii] Arjun Appadurai, ed., The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986)

[iv] See Adorno and Horkheimer, 1944. Whilst they do not mention fetishism per se, other than in the Marxian sense, they discuss the idea of delusion vis-à-vis lived experience.

Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer (1944) Dialectic of Enlightenment (London and New York: Verso Books)

[v] Peter Pels ‘The Spirit of Matter: On Fetish, Rarity, Fact, and Fancy’, Border Fetishism: Material Objects in Unstable Spaces (New York and London: Routledge, 1998), pp. 91-121

Hartmut Böhme (2004)  Fetishism and Culture: A Different Theory of Modernity (Berlin and Boston, MA: Walter de Gruyter, 2014)

[vi] In 1959, at the request of his wife, who pregnant at the time, and was inconvenienced by having to accommodate her garter and stockings to her expanding belly, informed her husband, (Allen Gant Sr.) that as she could not be seen in public without hosiery, they would be making no further outings until she was delivered of her child.

‘How would it be if we made a pair of panties and fastened the stockings to it?’ he is said to have asked his wife, thus hailing the birth of the ‘Panti-Legs.’

Joseph Caputo, ‘50 Years of the Pantyhose’, Smithsonian Magazine, 7 July 2009. <http://www.smithsonianmag.com/arts-culture/50-years-of-pantyhose-33062523/#xo8ZvgUYjWWtEpPp.99> [  29 May 2018]

[vii] Bourdieu’s term (1989), as before. Bourdieu is primarily concerned with the question of class, not the question of women and automata.

Pierre Bourdieu, ‘Social Space and Symbolic Power,’ Sociological Theory 7:1, (1989), pp. 14-25 (p. 16).

[viii] The body as currency appears here as a link to fetishism, both from a commodity use-value perspective, and in the idea of the uncanny, which relates to parts of the body being displaced, and not the body as a whole.

[ix] Heidegger The Concept of Time (1924)

Heidegger, Martin (1924), The Concept of Time: The First Draft of Being and Time, transl. Ingo Farin, Alex Skinner (London and New York: Continuum, 2011)

[x] Bohme, 2004